HO-1 OSU08 Morphosemantics

OSU08 Morphosemantics Notes 1

Emmon Bach, SOAS, UMass(Amherst)
OSU Linguistics
e m a i l: firstinitialsurname (at) linguist (dot) umass (dot) edu
Copyright Emmon Bach 2008. All rights reserved.
Office hrs: M W 1-3 and by appointment, Oxley 201a
Notes for classes will be posted at / linked to
"http://www.people.umass.edu/ebach/courses/OSU08-pl.htm"
Note: I will be posting the full form of my notes on the web, generally after our classes.

The Central Question, Background, Preliminaries

To put it right up front: the central question that we will pursue here is this:

Are the kinds of meanings and relationships of meaning that we find within words the same as those we find when we put words together into sentences?

Let's call this The Central Question. Why is it of interest? First of all, it is of interest to the working linguist who is just trying to figure out languages and Language. But there are two more special reasons for thinking about it. They have to do with diversity of languages and diversity of linguistic theories.

One is this: Languages differ obviously and a lot in the relative complexity of the words that they use. So if you are interested in understanding diversity in language, it would be a good thing to know whether these obvious differences have any bearing on the expressive potentials of languages, for example. We'll take up this aspect of the question in detail throughout our deliberations, and in a minute we'll take a look at this dimension of variation in a preliminary way.

The second point is this: Linguistic theories differ a lot in the way they treat the differences between words and larger constructions. In some theories complex words and words with complex meanings are routinely derived "in the syntax." On the face of it these approaches seem to take the position that semantics within and above the word is of a piece. So looking at The Central Question should help us evaluate these different theories.

  1. Background: What's in a word?

  2. Every language has words and every language has expressions that are larger than words. But languages differ a lot in the way in which words are constructed and in how words enter into the grammar of larger constructions. A lot of ink has been spilled on the question of what a word is, and as we will see theories of languages differ just as much as languages do in the importance they accord to words.

    There are spectacular differences among language in how much complexity is accorded to words. This dimension of diversity is the source for some of the oldest typologies of language:

    Old and persistent typologies:

    • analytic - synthetic - polysynthetic
    • isolating - agglutinative - fusional

    and the like. Popular books on language as well as elementary textbooks of linguistics like to cite £100 words from languages like Nuuchahnulth (Nootka) and contrast them with languages like what we might call "mythical Chinese." English will do as well as Chinese for contrasts like these. Let me cite another Wakashan language (that I will be talking about a lot): Haisla [focus next session on the Pacific Northwest as a language area and Haisla in particular]:

    1. Lanis tlakemliselasuʼina.
    2. Someone is paddling along in front of our (village) beach.

    (2) is a fair translation of (1), We'll unpack (1) shortly. (1) expresses in two (typographical, phonological, morphological -- see below) words what the English rendering takes nine to do. Languages like Yup'ik (Eskimo-Aleut) are famous for their multi-morphemic words. Here's one (again we'll look at an analysis in a few minutes and again this is a language we'll be returning to):

    Yup'ik (= Yuppik, in the practical orthography C' marks a geminate consonant: CC)

    1. Angyarpaliciqsugnarquq.
    2. S/He probably will make a big boat.

    Sometimes the dimension we are talking about here is described as a difference in the number of "ideas" or "concepts" that can be expressed in a single word. So Edward Sapir wrote in his long popular and still relevant book Language (1921) [Remark]:

    An analytic language is one that either does not combine concepts into single words at all (Chinese) or does so economically (English, French). In an analytic language the sentence is always of prime importance, the word is of minor interest. In a synthetic language (Latin, Arabic, Finnish) the concepts cluster more thickly, the words are more richly chambered but there is a tendency, on the whole, to keep the range of concrete significance in a single word down to a moderate compass. A polysynthetic language, as its name implies, is more than ordinarily synthetic. The elaboration of the word is extreme. Concepts which we should never dream of treating in a subordinate fashion are symbolized by derivational affixes or "symbolic" changes in the radical element, while the more abstract notions, including the syntactic relations, may also be conveyed by the word. A polysynthetic language illustrates no principles that are not already exemplified in the more familiar synthetic languages. It is related to them very much as a synthetic language is related to our own analytic English. The three terms are purely quantitative -- and relative, that is, a language may be "analytic" from one standpoint, "synthetic" from another. I believe the terms are more useful in defining certain drifts than as absolute counters. Edward Sapir (1921: p. 128 [paper bound edition])

    (Passages like this will be of relevance later when we come to talk about typology and "parameters".)

    Talking about concepts or ideas is not quite right, as I am sure Sapir would have agreed. Here's a simple root again from one of Sapir's favourite languages, Nuuchahnulth (Nootka):

    1. √yah̩ʷ- `to shout in a prescribed manner in the woods as a daily morning practice for a mother of twins for a year after their birth'

    Another nice meaning for a simple word from Kwakw'ala (Boas ms.: 231):

    1. nəxá `to be pleased at having attained one's end by plaguing someone.'
    Or again another simple root from Haisla:

    1. √kʼelt- `reluctant to go out (of harbour etc.) because of the weather.'

    We don't actually have to go far afield to find examples of this sort of conceptual complexity. Think of the English verb to bean; it requires a contextual reference point in the game of baseball, and means to hit a batter (what's a batter?) on the head with a pitched ball (what's that?) intentionally (?). Quite a few concepts there!

    It's pretty clear that Sapir meant rather some formal manifestation of concepts, bundles of form and meaning. On one view of linguistic structures we could say something like "morphemes / morphs per word." But that brings in a whole bunch of basic questions I don't want to beg: what kind of a view do we have of the way words are built? etc. So for now whenever I say Morpheme add a silent addendum (or Rule, Operation, Construction Segment etc.).

    So let's take a quick look at the formal elements involved in our initial examples. First, the Haisla sentence, provided to me by the late Sampson Ross in Kitamaat Village, British Columbia. [Remark]

    1. Lanis tlakemliselasu'ina. (=1)
    2. `somebody's paddling along in front of our village'
      `we're (incl.) being paddled down along in front of'
      la- aux(with_ʼin(a))
      -nis -1pl-incl
      √tlak- paddle-
      -em -front
      -l -go
      -=is -on_beach
      -el(a) -continuative
      -su -passive
      -'in -a (with la- perfective/progressive)

    [Discussion]

    Here's an analysis of the second, Yup'ik example:

    1. Angyarpaliciqsugnarquq. (=2)
    2. (ángyárpalíciqsúgnarquq)

      angyaq- boat-
      --rpak -big
      --li -make
      +ciqe -will
      ~+yugnarqe -probably
      --uq -3sgInd

    (The markings on the beginnings of the affixes signal various special morphonological effects and allomorphy), for example "--" marks affixes which delete the last segment of their hosts, "~" : delete final e of host, and so on.)

    Words in the Eskimoan languages are built on an initial Root followed by a number of socalled Postbases and finally grammatical inflections. An appropriate question in this course would be to ask about the semantic values of Postbases and Inflections compared to those of Roots and Stems.

    Here are a couple of examples to give you a sense of what this language sounds like (voice of Anna W. Jacobson, from tape to accompany Steven Jacobson's pedagogical grammar (1995)):

    1. nalluyagucaqunaku nalluyagucaqunaku
      (nálluyágucáqunáku)
    2. `Don't forget it!'
      Analysis: nallu- `not know'
      +~yagute `reach state of V' (so: forget `reach a state of not knowing')
      +~yaquna `future neg optative'
      -ku -transitive:iisg-iiisg

    3. qayaliciqngatuten qayaliciqngatuten
      (qayálicíqngatúten)
    4. `It seems like you will make a kayak.'
      qayaq- ` kayak'
      --li `make'
      -ciqe `will'
      +~ngate `seem'
      +'(g/t)u- Ind
      -ten -2sg

    Comparison with the English renditions show that both Haisla and Yup'ik are well qualified to being called polysynthetic in the sense that they use complex words. The Yup'ik example especially illustrates another sense of the term polysynthetic: able to express in a single word what is (in some other language) expressed by sentences with many words.

    NOTE: Yup'ik words have intriguing formal properties, a real mine for studies of allomorphy!

    Sapir's student and colleague Morris Swadesh introduced some happy terminology in writing about Nuuchahnulh (Nootka): Internal and external syntax (Swadesh)

    Swadesh (1939: p. 78) on Nootka: The expression "internal syntax," used in the title is based on the recognition of the fact that the combination of morphemes into a single word in a synthetic language has the same function as the juxtaposition of independent words in an analytic language. This function is the putting together of semantic units or "lexemes" into semantic complexes expressing communications or parts of communications. If this process of piecing together is of the same order whether the combination is a phonetic unit (a word) or a sequence of phonetically independent units, then we may apply the term syntax to the process in general, and designate the semantic [sic EB] theory of unit-word combination as internal syntax, that of the pluriverbal combination as external syntax. Since synthetic as well as analytic languages make some use of juxtaposition of words, all languages employ external syntax. Not all languages make use of internal syntax. [my emphasis: EB]
    (See Greenberg's essay on the definition of the word for a summary of earlier thinking about words (in Greenberg, 1957) and di Sciullo and Williams (1987) for some more recent ideas about the question. We'll get back to this cluster of questions in a bit.)
  3. Some Central Questions

  4. "Morphosemantics" means the semantics of morphemes. The point of the term is to highlight questions about the meanings of different kinds of linguistic elements and especially to ask questions about whether the semantic values and semantic relations the we find in phrasal syntax -- roughly: "at and above the word" -- are appropriate and adequate for understanding the meaning of individual morphemes and items "smaller" than words -- keeping in mind the caveat about morphemes, operations, rules, etc.

    So here are some initial and ultimate questions:

    1. What's a word?
    2. How do grammar and lexicon differ?
    3. What are the differences between derivation and inflection?
    4. What about compounding?
    5. Are the meanings and relations of grammar basically the same as those within words?

    Discussion:

    (i) I follow di Sciullo and Williams, 1987, -- among many others -- in recognizing several different meanings for the word "word." What we mean by "word" will make a big difference in the questions and answers that we consider here.

    These need to be distinguished:

    1. phonological word;
    2. morphological word;
    3. syntactic word;
    4. lexical word (lexeme, "listeme").

    I will try to use lexical item or lexeme for category (iv). A basic division of items, rules, processes, then will be between those that go into making or analyzing lexemes, and those that do not, syntax in one sense. Generally, I will be following a view of a language that makes a sharp distinction between Lexicon and Grammar (compare Dowty 1978, 1979). The regularities of the Lexicon invoke derivational items and processes (including compounding), as opposed to inflectional items and processes This distinction is not the same as the distinction between morphology and syntax. In much literature, there has been a confusion (imho: "in my humble opinion") between the notion of a lexical rule (process etc.) and a morphological rule (process etc.).

    Examples like (10) show that lexical items are not the same as morphological or syntactic or phonological words:

    1. I will not put up with this behavior.

    The lexical item here is italicized: "put up with." It has the syntactic organization of Verb - Particle - Preposition reflected also in the morphological properties of the three (morphological and phonological) words.

    A grammar as an account of a language is a pairing of expressions and interpretations. At the base of this recursive specification is a set of pairings of lexical items and meanings (a more elaborate picture of this will emerge as we go along). The grammar shows how to build complex elements and their interpretations starting with the basic lexical items. A lexical item might be, in principle, a word (in one or another sense), a phrase, a part of a morphological word, an affix, a root or stem.

    A note on "item": I do not want to assume an Item and Arrangement view of grammars and languages (Hockett 1954). I will often use words like "process, item, rule" etc. with the understanding that I am leaving open questions about the status of morphs, morphemes, operations, rules, etc., unless we are specifically focussing on issues about these choices. In particular, then, when I say "morphosemantics" I do not want to beg questions about what languages are made of and how. We will focus on various ideas about such questions in the first part of the next session.

    So to repeat: The Central Question here will be:

    A. Are the meanings involved in making up and analyzing lexical items the same as those used in assigning meanings in the grammar proper?

    Given what was just said, this does not equate with the question about the meaning of derivational affixes or bound items. In some previous papers I made claims about the meanings of derivational affixes in particular. They probably should be framed rather in terms of other distinctions: open versus closed classes, functional items versus others, or the like. (See next section.)

    If we follow the view of Di Sciullo and Williams (1987), there will be a parallel question about the construction of morphological words:

    B. Are the meanings involved in constructing morphological words the same as those in grammar of phrases (syntax in the narrow sense)?

    Supposing we can get a good handle on the notion of "inflectional" item, then there is another question:

    C. Are the meanings of inflections comparable to the meanings of non-inflectional items?

    Here we would ask questions like this:

    Does the Nominative Case item in some language have any meaning at all, or is it just a syntactic/grammatical feature involved in marking or checking an item when it enters into some structure, say (in English) with a tensed verb phrase?

  5. Some more distinctions.

  6. Features:

    Most current theories of grammar assume features of some sort. We will also consider the status of features. One view of features (early versions of GPSG) assumes that features are just abbreviatory devices for encoding different categories. For example, a plural noun might be marked with a feature [Number=Pl] but this would just be an abbreviation for a separate category of PluralNoun as opposed to the separate category SingularNoun. Our task in the context of this course, besides thinking about the status of such features or categories, is to ask about the semantics of such distinctions.

    Grammatical or Semantic explanations

    Often we consider alternative accounts of some property or fact. For example, there have been competing accounts for the distribution of Negative Polarity items, as in:

    1. No koala bear destroyed any gum trees.
    A syntactic account uses syntactic notions such as C-command (possibly in the representations of "logical form" (LF)) to account for the licensing of the any in this sentence. A semantic account relies on properties of the semantic values of the expressions (downward-entailing functions):

    1. If no koala bear destroyed plants then no koala bear destroyed trees.

    (See writings of Linebarger and Ladusaw on such examples.) Here, we need to remember that there might be both a syntactic and a semantic side to the explanations.

    Grammatical Meaning.

    There is a long tradition of claiming a crucial difference between "grammatical" meanings and the meanings of non-grammatical items. Imho, there is something basic and real about this distinction. We will pursue this issue in this course (compare Jakobson, 1959, writing about Boas's conception of grammatical meaning).

  7. Some Central Assumptions

  8. Logic chases truth up the tree of grammar.
    Willard van Orman Quine

    These are some of my starting assumptions. None of them are sacrosanct. We can think of them as working hypotheses. But they are of such a general nature that they can only be supported at a very global level: Do these assumptions lead us to insightful and fruitful results in the long run?

    1. Generative grammar: Chomsky's Thesis.


    2. A natural language can be described as a formal system.

      Here is an often quoted passage from early Chomsky:

      Precisely constructed models for linguistic structure can play an important role, both negative and positive, in the process of discovery itself. By pushing a precise but inadequate formulation to an unacceptable conclusion, we can often expose the exact source of this inadequacy, and consequently, gain a deeper understanding of the linguistic data....I think that some of those linguists who have questioned the value of precise and technical development in linguist theory have failed to recognize the productive potential in the method in rigorously stating a proposed theory and applying it to strictly linguistic material with no attempt to avoid unacceptable conclusions by ad hoc adjustments or loose formulations.

      N. Chomsky, Syntactic Structures: p.5.

    3. Model-Theoretic Semantics: Montague's Thesis.


    4. A natural language can be described as an interpreted formal system. Montague denied that there was any principled difference between the artificial languages studied by logicians and natural languages. A famous quote:

      I reject the contention that an important theoretical difference exists between formal and natural languages. (Montague 1970a: Montague 1974: 188)
      (And a famous continuation: "On the other hand I do not regard as successful the formal treatments by certain contemporary linguists." Unnamed linguists, but compare in Universal Grammar a famous footnote disparaging Chomsky and transformational grammarians, on grounds of "adequacy, mathematical precision, and elegance." A challenge to produce substantial "fragments" continues.

      Semantics chases meaning up the tree of grammar.

    5. Compositionality.

    6. The question of compositionality will occupy us a lot in our deliberations. Given our concern with exploring and comparing different aspects of language -- syntax, wordformation, inflection for a start -- we will want to ask about compositionality in these various aspects of a language. A common formulation of the principle is this:

      The meaning of a complex expression is a function of the meaning of the parts and the manner in which they are combined.

      There is a large literature on the status and interpretation of this idea, including whether it is properly attributed to Frege. A recent reference with pointers to this literature is Dowty (2007).

    7. Locality.

    8. Closely connected is the question of locality: one version:

      Determine interpretations as locally as possible: "As soon as you can but not so soon that you will be sorry about it later!"

    9. Some general models

    10. In the last decades, there have been a number of schemes that are intended to characterize general theories of language or aspects of language. For example, Charles F. Hockett (1954) proposed a characterization of "two models of grammatical description with a passing reference to a third: Item and Arrangement, Item and Process, and Word and Paradigm. Next time we will start off with a look at these and other general ways of looking at languages and Language. If we believe that an explicit semantics must be tied to an explicit grammar, then it behooves us to consider the various options for grammars (Dowty 2007).

    11. Languages.

    12. Excursus: On our exhibit languages. I will be drawing on a number of different languages for illustrations and evidence, mainly from North America. As part of our general education I will give some background on some of the languages, especially those where I have more than a passing acquaintance. One I will draw on especially is the Northern Wakashan language Haisla. Next session I will give a discursive introduction to languages of the Pacific Northwest and more particularly to Wakashan, Northern Wakashan, and Haisla.

      A small sermon: I have to also say a word about attitudes toward languages on the part of linguists. [more about this in my talk on April 8, and a bit also on the talk on April 18]. There follows a small sermon.

      Sermon.

      Three configurations of attention and interest in the study of language. Selfquote: (Bach 2004a)

      Three kinds of language study

      Think of a diagram, something like a schematic of the solar system. Ask: what is the Sun and what are the Planets? In one view, some language is in the center, arranged around it are various theories and subdisciplines. In the other, linguistic theory is the sun and the planets are languages and subdisciplines and related areas. These diagrams are supposed to represent crudely two kinds of linguistics: descriptive and theoretical.

      Now another truism:

      There is no such thing as a theory-free description.

      Whenever you undertake to describe a language you carry with you a set of expectations about what languages are like. These are really hypotheses about Universal Grammar. They may be completely formal: you expect phonemes, recurrent structures of form and meaning. They may include much more specific, but still formal, hypotheses about the form of a grammar for arbitrary languages. And they may include substantive hypotheses about the content of a language, at all levels: phonological, phonetic, syntactic, semantic.

      What are the results of these two kinds of activities?

      1. Primary Linguistic Description
      2. Primary descriptions of languages are the basis for everything else:

        There is no such thing as a language-free theory of language. Descriptive linguistics traditionally results in descriptive grammars, dictionaries, texts, recordings -- nowadays, audio and video, one hopes. In the United States and Canada, the great descriptive grammars, dictionaries, and text collections of the late nineteenth and twentieth century are the heritage of Boas and his tradition. True, there are many questions left unanswered in the products of this stream, but there is not nothing: the results are a rich mine for successive workers. Think, for example, of the careers that have been built on the grammars and text collections of this heritage.

      3. Linguistic Theory
      4. The results of linguistic theorizing are theories or bits of theories (hypotheses). In line with the schematic I drew in your minds, languages are drawn upon to give evidence for or against some point of theory or, in grander attempts, a whole theory. So the typical result of a graduate work in linguistic theory might be a dissertation with a title like: "The ABC Principle in Language X," where X might be some language that had not been dealt with in depth by theoreticians. Such a study might be followed by a whole string of papers or dissertations taking the same material to argue against the ABC Principle in favor of the A'B'C' Principle, or for a whole new approach or theory. But usually there is no new data, often not even checking of the original sources, and only in rare cases are these studies based on new primary work.

        It would seem that both of these activities would share a concern about accuracy, "getting the facts straight." This concern for accuracy is central to a third kind of actitivity.

      5. Philology
      6. Besides the activities just mentioned -- descriptive and theoretical linguistics -- there is another kind of study devoted to languages. Unlike those two disciplines, philology is devoted not to uncovering the system of a language or coming to understand the general abilities of humans to acquire and use such systems. It is devoted rather to the products of users of the languages, memorable products for the most part. The name is apt: `lovers of the word.'

        The proper cultural matrix for philological efforts should be the community most directly associated with the texts or oral traditions in question. But in the colonialistic and post-colonialistic world in which we live, it is more often than not up to linguists from outside these communities do the primary work that is a necessary foundation for such activity. Why is this so? It is clearly because the healthy functioning of the native traditions of story-telling or recording have become debilitated for reasons that are too familiar to need rehearsing. Languages and cultures change and sometimes die as a matter of human history. But sometimes they are killed.

        Ken Hale's life work on many languages was distinguished by one insistent maxim: the best work on any language could only come from native speakers of that language. Therefore, it was incumbent on the foreign linguist to try as hard as possible to teach as well as take, to treat speakers of the language not as "informants" or "consultants" but as fully equal co-workers, linguists in their own right.

        The activity of fieldwork, primary linguistic description has changed as the result of political change, the insistence by many First Nations people, that the work of linguists be responsive to community needs. Thus in the contemporary world, fieldwork of the old style is usually just not an option.

    End of Sermon.

  9. Some Theoretical assumptions.

  10. For convenience and concreteness, I will assume a generalized form of categorial grammar as a framework for discussion. You can take this as basically a way of talking about the semantics of languages, if you wish. I believe it is straightforward to weld this sort of a semantic organization onto various syntactic theories. Big, important, and difficult questions arise if we take categorial grammars as serious candidates for empirical theories of language -- syntax, semantics, phonology. Generally, we won't get into such questions here (I expect). For some thoughts on such questions, however, see Bach, 1988; Oehrle et al., 1988, for a number of papers, and a general introduction. A good introduction and survey is McGee Wood, 1993. For more recent work in categorial frameworks, browse the web for work of David Dowty, Jason Baldridge, Mark Steedman, Anna Szabolcsi, Polly Jacobson, Michael Moortgat, Dick Oehrle, and leads from their writings.

    Generally, I will be following a "constructive" approach, which fits into the general view of grammars/languages set forth in Montague's Univeral Grammar (Montague, 1970). Moreover, I will assume that a grammar recursively specifies the signs of a language, each sign being a k-tuple of elements, including at least a phonological, syntactic, and semantic object. I leave open the question whether the semantic object is an interpretation (in the model-theoretic sense) or a representation in some language of "logical form" or the like.

    Semantically, the operations on interpretations include:

    i. function/argument application;
    ii. function composition;
    iii. type lifting.
    Semantic type theory: I assume as a base (to be built upon) a standard model structure with types e (entities), t (truth values), w (worlds) and all functions built on these. I will notate the functional types in this fashion: (a, b) (or <a, b >) for functions from a-type things to b-type things. For expository purposes I will use lambda-expressions of the form λX[p] to name functions from X-type things to p-type things. Generally, however, I will avoid heavy use of formalisms and often give meaning-rules in English.

    Examples of the operations mentioned:

    1. Kim swims.
    2. function application: depending on how we interpret Kim (as an entity or a generalized quantifier): either the meaning of swims applies to the meaning of Kim, or vice versa. On one (simplest) view then, "Kim" denotes the entity Kim, "swims" denotes the function of type (e,t) which given any argument a of type e yields the value True iff a swims.

    3. Kim and no other person swims.
    4. Type lifting needed. to get the meaning of Kim to conjoin with the meaning of no other person. Here the generalized quantifier that comes from type-lifting Kim is (on an extensional view) the set of all sets to which Kim belongs (equivalently: the set of all functions of type (e,t) that yield True when applied to Kim˙. Exercise: what is the denotation of "no other person"?

    5. start the -- motor
    6. Function composition available to compose start (transitive verb type) with the (determiner meaning). More convincing examples further along in course. This meaning might be appropriate for the meaning of a transitive verb that makes definite objects when combined with an appropriate object expression, in some language. In studies of morphology, function composition has played a role in accounting for socalled "bracketing paradoxes": set-theoretic, etc. It also plays a heavy role in categorial grammar treatments of long distance dependencies.

    Next time (Notes 2) we will spend some time a survey of the kinds of denotations that are associated with various syntactic categories.

  11. Elements of lexical conceptual structures

  12. We can ask whether the items that go into making complex words in polysynthetic languages correspond to or express the kinds of meanings posited in the analysis of the meanings of the items in Lexical Conceptual Structures posited by many linguists (Jackendoff, B. Levin, Hale and Keyser).

    Example.

    ?? This train terminates at Morden via Charing Cross. (notice in London subway)

    This example seems odd because (for me) the conceptual structure of terminate doesn't include the notion of Path, a concept made much of in lots of the literature on lexical meanings. The question raised here is whether items in complex words ever or often make the addition of this idea of Path explicit, and so on for other items in lexical meanings.

  13. More Examples

  14. The rest of this session (Notes 1) will be devoted to looking in a first pass sort of way at some examples of structures, puzzles, and languages of the sort we will study.

    Some more examples of polysynthesis.

    1. Central Alaskan Yup'ik

    2. The languages of the Eskimo-Aleut family, especially the branch we may call Eskimoan (Eskimo - Inuktituk - Yup'ik) are famous for their big words. Here are a couple of examples (from Jacobson, 1984: p. 9):

      1. Nanvarpagtengnaqngaicugnarquq. `S/He probably won't try to go to the big lake.'
      2. Angyarpaliciqsugnarquq.`S/He probably will make a big boat.'
      3. These examples show that Yup'ik is well qualified for being called "polysynthetic" in another sense: expressing in a single word what is (in some other language) expressed by sentences with many words.
        Words in these Eskimoan languages are built on an initial Root followed by a number of socalled Postbases and finally grammatical inflections. An appropriate question in this course would be to ask about the semantic values of Postbases and Inflections compared to those of Roots and Stems.
        (Discussion of the second example above.)

      4. Haisla (Northern Wakashan)

        1. Lanis tlakemliselasu'ina.
        2. `somebody's paddling along in front of our village'
          `we're (incl.) being paddled down along in front of'
          (Discussion above)

      5. Nuuchahnulth (formerly known as Nootka, Southern Wakashan)

      6. (A famous example repeated in many publications, from Sapir's Language(1921: 141):

        ʔinikʷiłm̓inih̩ʔisita
        `several small fires were burning in the house'
        analysis: (forms from Sapir and Swadesh, 1939)

        ʔink(ʷ)- `fire; burning'
        `-ił(.-) m. ... `in the house, on the floor' [m : momentaneous]
        -m̓inh̩ plural [incremental suffix]
        -ʔis, -ʔic- diminutive [incremental]
        -(m)it past [incremental]
        -ma / -a (w. past -(m)it)

      7. How many words?

      8. Languages like Yup'ik, Nuuchahnulth, and Haisla cast prima facie doubt on the idea that all words are stored in the Lexicon, an idea that could probably only originate with linguists who speak only English. There are about 1400 roots in Haisla, each can assume several forms (by reduplication, ablaut, etc.), and there are about 500 derivational affixes, inflectional affixes just for persons amount to about 13, so assuming (conservatively) on average items that use two root shapes, about three three derivational affixes, and just one inflection, we get a figure of 4,550,000,000,000 (= 1400 * 2 * 500 * 500 * 500 * 13), a number I do not know how to read (something like the national debt). Actually, even in English, there is no longest (possible) word, so a listing of all words is impossible. That is, there must be a recursive specification of words just as of sentences. Some languages have tens of thousands of inflected forms.

      Some interesting meanings of morphemes.

      1. -ke- Yup'ik `to have as one's N':
      2. aana `mother' aanakaa `he has her as his mother'
        angyaq `boat' angyaqaqa `I have it as my boat' / it (obj.) is my (subjs.) boat'
        (Jacobson, 1984: 465)

      3. -[g]il(a) Haisla `to go to, to make, to have the form of'
      4. gelwʼa `canoe' gelwʼagila `to make a canoe'
        Cʼimaucʼa site at Kitamaat Village Cʼimaucʼila `to go to Cʼ'

        Examples like these have been assimilated to the much discussed phenomenon of Incorporation or Head Movement (Baker, 1988). We will focus on this kind of example in some detail. Unlike clear cases of Incorporation, a species of compounding, these examples are built with bound affixes. Similar affixes abound in many polysynthetic languages like Yup'ik and Haisla. Note that there is no compounding in the usual sense in either of these languages (or their language families).

        -qi(a) `(on) head' ʼiksduqʷiya `bald-headed eagle'
        -cʼu(a) `inside container etc.' lacʼud `put into container, to can'
        √lhaxʷ- -ma `hurt lhaxʷmacʼuaqia `to have a headache, to hurt in the head'

        Body part and locational suffixes are popular in Haisla and many other NW languages (related or not). Note that the meaning is basically adverbial or adjunctive. We will take up these kinds of examples in detail in our discussion of classificational `noun incorporation.'

      5. na- Lakhota Instrumental Causative
      6. This prefix takes as an argument an intransitive verb (or adjective) with meaning X, and forms a transitive verb meaning `to cause (object) to be X by means of the foot, by kicking etc.' (Boas and Deloria, 1941: 45 ff.). Example:

        gmiya `to roll' (intransitive) nagmiya `to set to rolling with a kick or push of the foot'

        I have claimed that these instrumental prefixes exhibit a kind of meaning that is not available for core lexical items.

      7. Parts of Speech? Lexical vs Syntactic
      8. There has been a long-standing controversy about the universality of such syntactic categories as Noun, Verb, Adjective, much of it centering on languages of the Pacific Northwest, particularly Wakashan and Salishan. It has not always been clear whether these discussions distinguish between properly syntactic and lexical categories, and indeed what the status of such a distinction might be. We will focus on such questions especially in looking at Haisla and other Wakashan languages, and also Algonquian (especially Western Abenaki), where a strong case can be made for positing (sub)category-neutral lexical items with affixes that determine the particular syntactic category of the resultant words, in the general Algonquian categorization of verbs into Animate Intransitive (AI), Inanimate Intransitive (II), Transitive Animate (TA), Transitive Inanimate (TI) (where with the transitives the Animate - Inanimate distinction refers to the class of the object):

        AI: wligo `he or she is good'
        II: wligen `it is good'

        These words represent different derivations from the category-neutral root wli- (or so it can be plausibly argued).

      9. Kiowa inverse inflection
      10. We'll take a look at the interesting system of number categories of Kiowa in session 5: a single affix maps number into the complement set for nouns that are basically combinations of singular, dual, plural.

      Next time: Some models of Linguistic Description, Introduction to a linguistic area: the Pacific Northwest.

    References: will be found here at "http://www.people.umass.edu/ebach/courses/mrphrefs.htm". They will be given in short form e.g.: Frege 1892